No government wants even its most junior secrets divulged. So last week, when the New York Times, the Guardian, and Der Spiegel published stories based on the 92,000-document Afghanistan stash obtained and distributed by Julian Assange’s WikiLeaks, U.S. officials obviously deplored the coverage.
But after the stories ran, Assange and WikiLeaks became the target of official ire Discount Herve Leger v neck, not the publications. Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates, White House press secretary Robert Gibbs, White House national security adviser James Jones, and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Adm. Mike Mullen condemned the WikiLeaks founder. Perhaps the only hostile critic of the press—as opposed to WikiLeaks—was Rep. Mike Pence, R-Ind.
The difference between the WikiLeaks treatment of the documents and that of the Times, Guardian, and Der Spiegel was simple: WikiLeaks posted tens of thousands of unredacted pages on its site, exposing the names of Afghan informants and collaborators while the publications concealed the names. As the New York Times informed its readers, “names and other information that could be used to identify people at risk” were removed from documents it posted. The newspaper also explained in its coverage that in addition to self-censoring, it passed along to WikiLeaks a White House request that the organization withhold “harmful material” from its site.
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I don’t expect the Pentagon to pin Distinguished Service Crosses on the lapels of the redacting editors any time soon, but the WikiLeaks coverage shows how conscientious the press generally is when publishing information the government would rather keep secret.
How conscientious? Yahoo News’ Michael Calderone reported last week that the White House didn’t ask the New York Times not to publish its story.
“I think it was clear to them, in our conversations, that we were handling it with care,” Times Washington bureau chief Dean Baquet told Calderone.
The Washington Post performed similar due diligence in the publication of its “Top Secret America” package last month, asking government officials whether they had “specific concerns” about what the paper intended to publish. “One government body objected to certain data points on the site and explained why; we removed those items,” the paper reported.
Of course due diligence isn’t magic. In 2005, the White House seemed ready to go to war with the New York Times over its publication of a story about the National Security Agency. It made little difference to the Bush administration that the Times had held the story for a year at the White House’s request; the administration was adamant that it not run.
Yet the tradition of horse trading between journalists and government officials behind closed doors to both minimize damage to national security and get the story published has a long if not well-known history. New York Times Executive Editor Bill Keller and Dean Baquet Cheap Chloe Dresses, then editor of the Los Angeles Times, laid out in a 2006 op-ed how their two newspapers published sensitive stories. They wrote:
No article on a classified program gets published until the responsible officials have been given a fair opportunity to comment. And if they want to argue that publication represents a danger to national security, we put things on hold and give them a respectful hearing. Often, we agree to participate in off-the-record conversations with officials, so they can make their case without fear of spilling more secrets onto our front pages.
A fuller picture of the give-and-take appears in two papers published by Harvard’s Shorenstein Center by Allan M. Siegal, a former assistant managing editor at the New York Times, and the late Jack Nelson Herve Leger v neck sale, former Los Angeles Times Washington bureau chief. Siegal’s paper, “Secrets About Secrets: The Backstage Conversations Between Press and Government,” from 2007 (pdf), and Nelson’s, “U.S. Government Secrecy and the Current Crackdown on Leaks,” published in 2003 (pdf), reveal an ongoing discussion between the press and officialdom about classified information.
Calling these tête-à-têtes “discussions” sort of soft-soaps the relationship. They can be war. But the Siegal and Nelson papers chronicle the efforts the press and officials have made to understand one another. Nelson writes that in the first year of the Bush administration, reporter Scott Armstrong and Jeffrey H. Smith, former general counsel of the CIA, “enlisted media executives and government officials to engage in an informal, ongoing dialogue about the issue of protecting Government secrets without infringing on the right to report on the Government.”
The unofficial group, called “Dialogue Discount Missoni Dresses,” held off-the-record discussions and received “virtually no publicity,” Nelson writes. A list of attendees of the 2001 and 2002 Dialogue meetings provided by Nelson includes the legal brass at the National Security Council, the National Security Agency, the Central Intelligence Agency, and the Defense Department, as well as the top public affairs officers at those agencies. National-security journalists from ABC News, the Washington Post Bandage dresses sale, Newsweek, the Los Angeles Times, National Journal, and the Wall Street Journal joined the sessions, as did veteran journalists Bill Kovach, Don Oberdorfer, and Frank Sesno Cheap Christian Audigier Clothing, and former government officials Hodding Carter, John Podesta, and Boyden Gray.
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